This piece is made of two combined assignments from my SFU Social Geography Class (2017). We were tasked with going to two malls and make observations based on the theories we learned in class. The geography of the mall has remained one of my favourite urbanism topics since then.

Images were excluded as I don’t have the original files anymore.

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Part 1

Our group’s observations were conducted at Pacific Centre Mall in a group of 4 classmates on Wednesday, February 1^st, 2017. As will be discussed, it is important to mention that we surveyed the shopping centre from 5:00-7:00pm on that day. Prior to making the trip I noted my general assumptions: I expected it to be moderately busy because of the weekday, though I was aware of its centrality for people getting off work downtown. The only people I expected to see enjoying leisurely shopping were the ones I did see, and being dinnertime, I awaited a very busy food court. I did not think much about types of stores, and was surprised to see how over the years, (at least from my memory,) Pacific Centre has become a high-end bubble in the middle of a more “public” downtown centre. There were many more specific traits I was able to analyze including location, structure, group makeup, displays, and target audience. For a couple hours, I was the silent Sherlock of the mall.

Time is Key

5:00pm on a Wednesday night is an unconventional time to find me downtown, as I live next to a mall which offers almost all shopping activities easily. I’ll only be in the area around midday on weekends or holidays, when I get my hair cut. One reason is because I find Metrotown safer than the exposed, bustling downtown core. This “threat” of the old downtown is cited by Goss (1993, p. 23-24). On a broader scale, I made an assumption that doing this trip on the first day of February may have a slight influence on the crowds. It is possible that this day fosters an air of refreshment or new beginnings, where people may feel the need to shop for items to supplement this, (a healthy smoothie to make up for lost new year’s resolutions, maybe?) Even the weather may have had an effect – either the cold bringing people in, or the sun keeping them out! It was the middle of the workweek during the rush hour commute, and as expected, there were many people flowing through the mall to and from the Skytrain. Overall, I discovered a desolate upper floor near the most high-end stores, but a rapidly moving stream of commuters through the food court (which cannot easily be avoided from the train exit). The food court was only about half full, and of lone people, most likely on their way home and needing dinner. It was truly a hump-day commuting affair.

Shoppers and Commuters

There was an apparent majority of commuters, yes, but the composition of actual shoppers was close to what I expected. Categories that jumped out to me were pairs of mothers with strollers working through a shopping list, elderly people lounging on chairs, groups of twentysomethings jumping from one high-end clothing store to the next, and people of Asian descent. It wasn’t a surprising sight. At this time of the day and week, it seems only fit that people who are shopping have 1) lots of disposable income, and 2) an excess of free time.  The higher end stores, including the proximity to Nordstrom’s and Holt Renfrew surely impacted this. At this point, parallels could be drawn between my experience and Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Man of the Crowd”. Myself, like the narrator, connected appearance and someone’s location with their life and personality. My preconceived stereotypes were used to make generalized assumptions about the people around me, because it would be too difficult to think about each unique individual. Something that immediately stood out to me was the security staff presence. I’ve rarely seen guards there before on a busy Saturday, but there were several at most major entrances. This could be because of the commuter flow right through the mall – owners may be concerned by the risk of “the other” being inside, even if momentarily. Obviously, protecting the safe experience of the mall is important to them. The quantities and makeup of shoppers were mostly pairs, singles eating and sitting, young groups, businessmen enjoying a meal, and predominantly Asian females, (though most stores were aimed at a female audience, so it correlates.) Commuters were a complete mix of races/ethnicities, had a range of winter outfits, religious clothing, and were mostly of adult age.

Location and Structure

Pacific Centre is one of the focal points of downtown commerce, for both tourist attraction and for residents. Its close proximity to an assortment of bus lines, 2 Skytrain lines, the sea bus, and even the West Coast Express opens it up to almost anyone who wants to go. It lies mostly underground, nestled into the densest part of the city, and at any given time you can find shoppers and commuters from every socioeconomic level. Oppositely, the new Tsawwassen Mills mega-mall, for example, is conveniently far away from frequent transit lines – available only to wealthier suburban families. Pacific Centre has less of this excludability due to its location. It is also a tiny mall: one strip and 2 floors, with connections to high-class department stores. There isn’t much room for the type of centrality you would find at the Grand and Atrium courts of Metrotown. The food court is the main centre, but obviously due to the presence of food and the Skytrain. It was pointed out by a group member that the Service Desk in the middle of the strip effectively blocks the view ahead, and forces shoppers to venture on. This was also seen in a curved shape at the end of the hall, hiding what lies beyond. It may not have been intentional, but its effect to entice the shopper onward is present. Where there was room for structural manipulation, it was placed. A noticeable example was metal bars lining the tops of each hard, square-shaped couch in resting areas. This was surely to prevent too much relaxation, and more movement and shopping.

Notable Stores and Display

At first, I sat in the food court to watch people swiftly moving by and the lone eaters. Most vendors had little customers at the time, around 5:00pm, but there were lines at 2 places: A&W and Jugo Juice. It interested me to see a lot of people waiting for a smoothie, pointing out the growing health craze in this city and the world. The popularity of green smoothies and kale-packed wraps is prominent in Vancouver, and I was told by another group member who works at the mall that PC has been putting in lots of healthier options recently. This may also reflect the high-income and “young” lifestyle of the city. The general atmosphere at the mall by 6:00 pm was relaxed and quiet besides the main stream of walkers. It seemed almost eerie, especially on the top floor, which could be accessed by 2 sets of escalators and a couple of elevators. There was one jarring exception, the Apple Store. It was packed full of people, and from this I can draw the importance of the brand, the smartphone, and that it reaches much more people than just the target consumer of most stores in this mall. A few lone mall-goers were sitting doing work on their computers, giving the mall the roll of a Café. The mall didn’t have any interactive maps, but there simply aren’t enough stores to need it. And, of course, almost anybody sitting down was on a smartphone; its universal nature is proven in the way it creates social space even when alone and silent. Though, I did see one commuting woman talking on a flip-phone, the modern fossil! Overall, the others stores were high-end clothing, accessory, and jewelry shops, all with intricate and elaborate displays and promotions. After rounding the whole mall a couple of times, it was clear that it had collectively implemented a certain theme for the

Across the Skywalk

Our expedition group later moved across a glittering white, glass-lined walkway to Holt Renfrew; an uber-fancy department store fitted with internal boutiques like Tiffany’s. The walkway places you above the city street, separating you from it, and possibly deterring the “other” or the “unwanted” from below. This atmosphere was consistent with the store. It was much more aesthetically designed and bright, trying to emulate an optimistic fantasyland. The roof notably had triangular holes cut out, shining a dim blue light through to mimic natural skylight. At that hour, it was only full of the seemingly wealthy demographic mentioned before, but many more pairs of young Asian women. Having Pacific Centre connected to it, and the close-by Nordstrom’s of equal extravagance may add to the potential of the whole atmosphere. The skywalk does create a stark divide between what can be called the rich, and richer. Our group, 4 young

A lot is revealed when you take your eyes off the clothing rack and turn them to your surroundings. I’ve never been much of a “people-watcher”, out of fear that I’d have awkward encounters or be caught doing so. I also have a task at hand, if it is looking for a new dress, or simply window-shopping. It distracts from the subtle things that can be found in people, and even 10 minutes of thinking about everybody whizzing by taught me more than I expected. There is a strange feeling in that externalized position, as if I know something that they don’t – though I blend in at the same time. There was also discomfort, and even some paranoia when security guards walked by me in the food court. I was just a girl sitting, looking, then typing on her phone with no purchases in hand. I thought, “are they suspicious of me?” and seriously considered it! These emotions prove to me that there is an imposed obligation on all patrons to spend money, and display the ability to do so. To the people who are completely comfortable taking a seat in the middle of the mall and doing work on their computers, I probably couldn’t do the same unless I had good reason to. Similar to the narrator in Poe’s story, I was intrigued by individuals who stood out of the salmon-like stream of people – the men (or women) of the crowd. A whole spectrum of personalities and walks of life can be seen within the walls of places like Pacific Centre, but the exclusionary tactics are equally as pertinent when observing the space. The several moments of observation showed me that social space is created by both stagnancy and movement. There is also a divide between fantasy and disparity, that is, the absence of disparities in an area that is full of homelessness and the like. Pacific Centre stands out from other malls as being in the heart of commuting veins. It is essentially a climate-controlled, monitored sidewalk. The difficulty in avoiding a trip through the mall makes me question the purpose of its design – was it meant to be a profit generator all this time? It seems that way, and it probably works. The last thing I learned is that people are more easily manipulated, even by a simple curved hallway that I previously thought. Although each person is unique and complex in his or her own way, we all fall into the stream sometimes.

References

Goss, J. “The ‘Magic of the Mall’: An Analysis of Form, Function, and Meaning in the Contemporary Retail Built Environment.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 83.1 (1993): 18-47.

Edgar Allan Poe. The Man of the Crowd. 1850.

Part 2

For my second trip of mall observations, my sister and I visited Metrotown, our local mall. We went on Tuesday, March 21^st from 7:00pm-9:00pm. I tried to cover as much area as possible; the length of all 3 levels and some extending “branches”. Metrotown is one of the largest malls in the province and the country, so conducting a survey here obviously involved much vaster spaces than at Pacific Centre. Being a Tuesday night, I assumed a normal to low amount of people would be at the mall. However, it was Spring Break for public schools in Burnaby and surrounding cities, so it could have meant more people shopping in their free evening. It turned out to not yield many shoppers compared to its usual crowds in the food court and stores, which surprised me. This paper does not focus on the same things as last time, (location, structure, group makeup, and displays) in such a broad sense. Instead it deeply considers the mall as a gendered space, and how stores and atmosphere exemplify gender norms in society. This was a fascinating topic to have in mind walking through the shopping centre which I have spent most of my life. One important preface I must make involves gender identification. When I use the terms “female/woman” or “male/man” when describing people, I am assuming their gender identity. I am aware that I am using external traits as stereotypical indicators of gender identity. My generalizations are for the sake of simplicity and clarity in my critical analysis, and to reduce complexity. I can only speculate in some situations.

First Impressions and Customer Service

Starting in the food court, I noticed that the ratio of female to male front staff at restaurants were about 3 to 1. However, a couple places like U-Grill or Thai Express, which cook the food fresh in front of you, exclusively had male chefs. Is there a standard held within the food industry which puts women in a lower level of work? Line cooks and chefs in most restaurants have traditionally been male, and this is importantly in public. In the private setting, the home, there is underlying (and sometimes outward) pressure on women to “get in the kitchen”. Domosh discusses the home at length, and explains that the ideas attached to women and public space determine their reputation, which can have negative consequences (Domosh, 1998, p. 280). This food court example shows the public/private separation well.  Metrotown does not have as visible of a security force as Pacific Centre. This makes sense, as the downtown core is a true public setting, and is a major centre of commuting. Metrotown reflects a more suburban atmosphere of carefree leisure to me. Though, with the rising of population and the New Urbanism model in this area of Burnaby, elements of the public that some see as “unwanted” may become more pronounced. I’ll admit I first envision a man when I think of a security guard, so when my sister pointed out a female security guard in Metrotown, it was notable. It is unusual to see this, because as pointed out by Eeden, historically in malls the “fortress-like walls of the exterior are controlled by the ‘gaze of a paternalistic security force’ … inscribing the notion of male control of feminised space” (Eeden, 2006, p. 58).  Female security guards are a great way that these norms are challenged in the real world, while at the same time bringing women higher up in the working world. Though it should be mentioned that women often are contested and discriminated against in male-dominated fields and trades, making these rejections of gender norms much more difficult than it should be.

One of my most compelling observations does not relate to gender, but is worth discussing. Along one of the mall’s “branches” from the Grand Court I noticed something I never had, because this was the first time I really paid attention. It was a room on the highest floor, where doctors’ offices and other services are. I have personally never been up there; it seems like an elusive place. A room of large glass windows covered by blinds (Figure 1) was labelled “Community Meeting Room”. Metrotown may not be much different than the “Carousel Centre” mega mall in Syracuse, New York, whose community room is analyzed by Staeheli and Mitchell. The Carousel Centre’s “Sky Deck” is an attempt by mall owners to create the façade of a public, mutually owned and used space. However, there are many high costs and limitations to using their rooms, and it turned out to be used mostly by private entities. Metrotown is like this for the fact that it is not widely advertised for use. Further research shows no mention of this room on the Metrotown website, only other “charity spaces” that can only be used by non-profit organizations on weekdays in the mall. Can an ultimately private space reach the status of a true public space? Most likely not. It seems that just like Carousel Centre, Metrotown tries “to shape the community in ways that are consistent with commerce, which is not necessarily consistent with an inclusive public sphere” (Staeheli, Mitchell, 2006, p. 985). 

At one point, we decided to enter a store with products mostly aimed towards teens and young adults. My sister and I are within that demographic, so when we did browse during this time, the stores we looked at may have had a bit of bias towards our age group. In this store, a female associate greeted us both (who are identified female). Moments later, another associate, who was male, greeted a man who walked in. Was it just a coincidence? Or is it possible that the employees think one gender feels more comfortable or “relatable” to the same? This isn’t a totally outrageous thought, and may even be a strategy for sales.

Displays

In general, I could identify colours derived from traditional gender norms; pinks and purples for girls and women, and blues and blacks for men and boys. I am aware parenting culture in Canada and other developed nations are moving towards more gender neutrality and freedom of choice for children, but past norms are so engrained in the shopping experience that it may be hard to avoid.

One of the most prominent displays was at Victoria’s Secret. Embedded in its bright pink-striped outer walls was a huge screen which constantly plays a reel of their fashion shows (Figure 2). Right in-your-face: skinny, tall, tan models strut in expensive and elaborate bikinis, 10 feet tall as one walks by. Several stores, Victoria’s Secret being the most obvious, exude the West’s beauty standards, fueling women’s need to reach unattainable figures and proportions. This narrative of the body is particularly damaging for any woman, young or old, in its ability to create internal shame. In the mall setting, this may drive shoppers inside the store, seeking the products which outside promise to enhance their physical appearance. What is hidden the advertisements’ true motivation; profit. As Goss put it, entrance to the mall “transport[s] them into a looking glass world” (Goss, 1993, p. 32). Immediately next to the VS screen was a poster advertising one of their perfumes (Figure 3), with the tagline “Very Sexy Now”. Yes, the brand embodies all things “sexy”, and that isn’t necessarily negative, but advertisements project a small amount of variation for what is constituted as “beautiful”. Sexualization in malls also seems to occur mainly to female figures and to sell female products. We are drawn in by the perfect two-dimensional images plastered around every corner; what are they wearing? How do I become this ideal person? As Eeden explains:

The alliance with temptation – whether sexual or commercial – manifests compellingly in the Edenic rhetoric inscribed in shopping, and is clearly demonstrated in a print advertisement for Dubai International Airport (2003). Entitled ‘100% pure temptation’ (Eeden, 2006, p. 47).

Furthermore, one of the mall’s main reasons for success is its ability to twist emotions, and make people believe commodities will make them not just look better, but be a better person overall. While walking around Metrotown, I passed a children’s athletics-wear store. In the front window was a full-length mirror with white writing on its surface. Moving in closer to read it, (Figure 4), “Who are you?” was written in delicate cursive. In asking this to every passerby, it essentially causes them to think about their appearance and personality in relation to the products behind the mirror – and all around them. “Who are you” also means “You are not perfect, but could be”. This shows how “shopping [aims to be] a transforming experience, a method of becoming a newer, perhaps even slightly improved person” (Eeden, 2006, p. 53). What disturbed me when reflecting on this display, is that it was in a kid’s store! The capitalist ideals of westernized perfection being achieved through commodity shouldn’t be pushed onto children, who are in the most formative time of their life.

The Bigger Picture

The notion of identity building in childhood leads to one of my main takeaways from this survey. Metrotown is my local mall, and more importantly, the site of consumption in which I have spent the most time. I now wonder how the mall’s structure, policies, and “Edenic” atmosphere have manipulated and affected me over the years, shaping my gender (and other) identities. It is profound to consider how the modern and developed region I was raised in has contributed to my identity as a woman and person. In study and self-reflection alike, people cannot ignore how patriarchal, capitalist normativities are embedded in cultures that shape us. For example, if I did not have such easy access to “women’s” clothes, services, makeup, etc., would I exhibit the same interest in shopping as a pastime? Where would my time go if I lived in the rural interior, and how would that have made me different? This reveals one of social and feminist geography’s greatest points: gender roles, norms, and identities change greatly over space and time. An easily found and widespread example supporting malls as gendered spaces are in the layout of stores. In clothing stores especially, I could often find a physical 50/50 split between “women’s” and “men’s” apparel. I never much thought about the implications of this divide, but I now realize how much it represents the abstractness of gender. Gender identities were created and are always changed by us. The reason we see prevailing norms is because institutions and structures of power can implement them. One of the stores in Metrotown where I get a lot of my clothes separates men’s/women’s and boy’s/girl’s clothes clearly, with the change room area going along the middle. I never even thought to go to the other side; it was an elusive area which felt restricted and intimidating to me as a young girl. In recent years, I slowly started venturing over there, not realizing that this was a small act of resistance to imposed gender norms. Turns out they keep t-shirts with some of my favorite movie logos over there, and I often look there for clothes now – importantly, without being embarrassed. Though there is still a sense of not belonging, something so fundamental in the strategies of exclusion. One of the reasons I shop at this store in the first place is its sizing. For someone who wears plus sized clothing, it is very difficult to find a fair variety. My style usually reflects my age group, and a lot of plus sized clothes at Metrotown seem to be mostly for older women. For women’s clothes especially, sizing in stores often excludes people like me from shopping there. This may be an attempt to “preserve” the ideal body type mentioned with Victoria’s Secret. However, there has been recent mainstream cultural awareness of “body-shaming” and exclusion, and improvements are being made. One plus-sized company, not found at Metrotown, “Addition Elle” claims to be part of the “Fashion Democracy”. In Metrotown, I was delighted one day when I ventured to the bottom floor of Forever 21, which has an extensive plus sized section (Figure 5). This gave me a sense of belonging in a sea of relatively tiny clothes, surrounding me on all my visits. Progression like this may be on the single-brand level for now, but I can see whole malls including a more diverse audience in their imagery and products. I don’t usually shop near any mall’s closing time. This time I was, close to 9:00pm, and I noticed subtle differences in the population. Present, was what daytime shoppers may describe as “the other” – people in plain work clothes (jeans and t-shirts) grabbing a meal before going home, with no shopping bags. Then, right before we left I saw an individual who was far unlike people I usually see there. There was a man alone wearing a fur-lined coat, earrings, women’s sandals, and other jewelry. He turned heads, but walked confidently. He was outwardly challenging traditional gender roles, and this is something that I think the mall collectively doesn’t welcome. It is a marker of the “dangers” of the public and the downtown, and not the glittering climate-controlled town square the mall aims to be.

The overall atmosphere of the mall was neither masculine nor feminine. But when examining the makeup of stores and employees, there are mostly “female” stores, products, services, and target audiences. The main difference between male and female shoppers is that women are “both consumers and consumed” (Eeden, 2006, p. 51). Even if representation between males and females is balanced (which it is not,) women are still subjects of consumptive thoughts; seen as objects. I thought the most telling and striking observations would be of subtle structures and imagery throughout the mall. In contrast, I was more informed when self-reflecting on how the mall is a gendered space, and affects me as a woman. Eeden makes a point which describes my experience at Metrotown very well, “Malls can be read as texts sited within the ideology of capitalism” (Eeden, 2006, p. 38). Through the insights of authors like Eeden, Goss, Staeheli, Mitchell, and Ruddick, gender is revealed to be greatly intertwined in space, if public or private. More importantly, race, class, and sexuality are included in this, linked to gender in spaces like the mall. There is a lot more that can be done in academics to understand how social normativities and interactions between people and space translates to experience. On an individual level, we can challenge what it means to shop, and keep in mind the ability shopping centres have to control emotions and actions. Once recognized, we can interact with these spaces and the people in them, to strive for equality between genders and to reject outdated beliefs that puts one as superior to another.

References

Domosh, M. “Geography and gender: home again?” Progress in Human Geography 22.2 (1998) 276-282.

Eeden, J. “The gender of shopping malls” Communicatio 32.1 (2006) 38-64, DOI: 10.1080/02500160608537962.

Goss, J. “The ‘Magic of the Mall’: An Analysis of Form, Function, and Meaning in the Contemporary Retail Built Environment.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 83.1 (1993): 18-47.

Staeheli, L. A., & Mitchell, D. “USA’s destiny? Regulating space and creating community in American shopping malls.” Urban Studies 43.5 (2006) 977-992.

Commitment to Community | Metropolis at Metrotown Mall. (n.d.). Retrieved March 25, 2017, from https://metropolisatmetrotown.com/community/commitment-community/

Fashionable & Trendy Plus Size Clothing | Addition Elle. (n.d.). Retrieved March 25, 2017, from https://www.additionelle.com/